Wednesday, March 31, 2010

Malaysia’s migrant worker crackdown gaining intensity

Wed 31 Mar 2010, IMNA
Burmese migrant workers living in Malaysia are claiming that the nationwide crackdown on illegal migrant workers has reached a violent peak.

IMNA covered the announcement of the crackdown, which officially began on February 14th, on February 9th.

According to the Burmese contingent of migrant workers that IMNA interviewed, Malaysian Immigration police forces have taken to targeting areas heavily peopled by migrant workers, storming workplaces, and even arresting legal migrant workers in their quest to purge Malaysia of illegal foreign workers.

“The authorities are focusing on migrant workers who live in Kotayara quarter in Kuala Lumpur. In that quarter are many Burmese restaurants and stores, so many Burmese migrant workers live in that place,” explained a Burmese migrant worker named Ko Min Thu, who works at a store in Kotayara quarter.

Sources explained to IMNA that previously, illegal migrant workers in Malaysia have been able to escape arrest simply by restricting themselves to their palaces of employment; immigration police most commonly only detained workers who allowed themselves to be caught in public. Now, however, Malaysian immigration police have begun raiding shops and factories in search of illegal workers.

“On Saturday, March 17, the arrests were very violent. They [the authorities] forced their way into places like gold shops or stores, and arrested workers. Normally, they only question and arrest people who are out on the road [in public places]. That Saturday, many people were arrested because many people went outside [in public]. On that day, about 400 were arrested by the Malaysian police” claimed a Burmese woman who is a restaurant owner in Kotaraya quarter.

Malaysia’s police force formerly only arrested workers living in the country without legal identification, but sources claim that workers in possession of legal ID are now being caught up in this most recent wave of arrests.

A migrant worker explained that commonly, employers at factories in Malaysia demand that workers that are in possession of legal identification, such as passports or documents from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), turn these documents over to their employers. Without identification to show during police interrogations during the crackdown, legal migrant workers are often arrested along with their illegal counterparts; employers must bring their employees’ documents to their detention centers before such workers can be freed.

Illegal migrant workers are often left to fend for themselves in prison, until they can bribe their ways out.

“They arrested many people people during this month, on March 15th through 18th, they arrested workers at the factories, the people who have no documents, they are put in prison about 2 months, after that the people who want to leave, they have to connect with the brokers, and they have to pay 3000 ringgit [to leave prison]” a Burmese worker living in Kuala Lumpur informed IMNA.

Mon literature and culture classes taught in Mae La refugee camp for the first time

Wed 31 Mar 2010, Khatter Non
Mon literature and culture classes have been made available to Mon children living in Mae La refugee camp, on the Thailand-Burma border, for the first time this year. The classes began on the first week of March.

Teachers in the camp informed IMNA that 20 students are currently enrolled in the classes, which have been organized by the Mon Literature and Culture Committee. The students are studying Mon literature, Mon history, Mon language and Mon traditional dance. The courses are intended to last until May of this year. The children enrolled in the classes are of varying ages under the age of 15.

According to the organizer of the trainings and resident of Mae Lai, Nai Kaw Mnoke “now we have just 3 teachers, all of the teacher are not given salaries and they are voluntarily. The beginner class has 10 children, first grade has 7 and second grade has 5 students, so we have 23 students. At first when we opened the class some of the children from other ethnic groups joined, like Karen children, but later they left.”

The 3 teachers must teach their classes at two different locations in the camp, as the size of the camp makes walking to one location difficult for many of the children.

According Nai Khin Maung, the father of one of the course’s students, “if we don’t stay proficient in our [Mon] literature, our nation will also be lost forever, and our Mon literature is special. If we can’t read and write in our nation language, how can we be a Mon nation. That why, wherever I move to, I will give support to my children so they can learn our Mon literature, Mon history and Mon language. If we don’t do that our children will forget our culture, so now I am very happy about this Mon class.”

“Now in this era, all of the people are more interested in the Burmese language than their ethnic group’s language, so they are less proficient their native language. Also, the Burmese government has been gradually trying to get rid of ethnic minorities’ native literatures,” he added.

Nai Kaw Mnoke informed IMNA that the Mon population at Mae La refuge camp is comprised of 34 families, 122 individuals in total. 25 of these camp residents are under the age of 15, and 7 residents are 5 years of age or younger.

The Mon Literature and Culture committee organizes classes like the ones described in this article annually, both within Mon State, and in Mon communities outside of Burma. The classes are usually held during the March through May summer season, when schoolchildren in Burma are on summer break from school.

Tuesday, March 30, 2010

MRP members break with party, flee to Thailand

Tue 30 Mar 2010, Nai Akka
A total of 7 members of the Monland Restoration Party (MRP), based in Tenasserim Division, have disaffected from the party and fled across the Thailand-Burma border to the Thai province of Surat Thani, were they have reportedly taken refuge in a rubber plantation.

2 members of the breakaway faction, who consented to be interviewed by IMNA from the group’s refuge, explained that the split occurred after the faction became frustrated with the mismanagement of the party by MRP leaders during an operation at the front lines of the group’s ongoing clashes with Burmese military battalions.

“In our party, the people who have high positions, they didn’t know much about party [are very inexperienced], and they can’t managed the party very well. When they talk with MRP soldiers who have low positions, they order the soldiers around and abuse their power. That’s why some of our members resigned,” a former section commander explained to IMNA.

He explained that five of the MRP’s section commanders resigned from the party on March 25th, while two more soldiers left the following day. Immediately afterward, the group fled across the border to Surat Thani.

“When we came back from the operation [at the battleground] we reported to the central officer about the commanders’ [abuse of power] during the operation, but the central officers didn’t listen, so we don’t want to live with them or be in the same group” a second former member explained to IMNA.

He informed IMNA that when the MRP was formed in 2001, the party contained a total of 150 members, but that increasing displeasure with party policies has lead gradual depletion of the group’s membership. Currently, the party can only boast a mere 50 members.

Nai Pan Nyunt, a former colonel from the New Mon State Party’s (NMSP) armed wing, the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), founded the group after splitting from the NMSP in 2001; the group was originally known as the Hongsartoi Restoration Party [HRP]. The party was soon driven out of NMSP-controlled territory, and eventually the group based itself on the Thailand-Burma border in Tenasserim Division, where Thai authorities tolerated the group’s presence due to the large membership and arm power of the faction.

According to the former group members, the group was forced away from the border region ant 10 kilometers deeper into Tenasserim Division 3 months ago by Thai authorities, after the MRP’s decreased membership made them less threatening.

Mother and 3 children murdered in Ye Township

Tue 30 Mar 2010, Khatter Non
A 27 year-old Mon woman named Ma Htwe was stabbed to death in her home along with her 3 children on March 27th, in Ye Township’s Hplang village, within the New Mon State Party-controlled area of Ye Chaungpayar.

The perpetrator, a young male neighbor named Min Seik Son, is only 17 years old.

“Ma Htwe and her younger children were together in the house, at that time [the morning of the 27th] this young man stabbed Ma Htwe in her back with a knife six times and also her younger son, and then he also killed her other 2 children” a Hplang villager reported.

According to the Hplang residents interviewed by IMNA, the crime was discovered on the same day it was committed, after neighbors entered the victims’ home, located on the village’s more heavily populated main road, and discovered the bodies. Village residents immediately joined in a massive search of the area, and soon discovered Min Seik Son at a nearby stream, where he was reportedly caught washing his victims’ blood off of his body.

Min Seik Son was immediately taken into custody by the local Hplang villager, and taken to the village headman’s office, where he confessed that he had committed the murders at around 11 am that morning. He has since been sent to a NMSP base in nearby Weazin village, where he is being prosecuted by the party.

In an interview, Ma Htwe’s husband Oo Kon Plai explained that neighbors had told him that the crimes was likely linked to a March 27th dispute between the murderer and Ma Htwe about a possible theft, which Ma Htwe had reportedly shared with her neighbors just before her death.

“We have never had any problems with this guy, he came to our house every day to visit. On that day [the day of the murder] I was not at home, I was in Ye town. A neighbor told me that my wife went to Hplang Chaung Wa village to bring back the children [from a visit with our family living there]. She allowed that young man to wait in our home, and when my wife returned, she checked her money, and two thousand kyat was gone, that’s why my wife talk to him, telling him ‘You stole my money’ and ‘don’t do that next time’, ” Oo Kon Plai explained.

“The oldest of her [Ma Htwe’s] children was a girl, she was about 6 years old, other two were boys, one of 4 them was years old and the other 2 years old. Now just her husband is left in their house,” said a second villager.

Oo Kon Plai told IMNA “I don’t want to ever see that guy again. If people like him are still alive, it [violence] will happen again and again. Now I have no wife and no children. I don’t know, what can I do? I feel so sad for my family, also I am so angry at that guy”. Min Seik Son resided in Hplang village with his aunt, as his parents are currently employed as migrant workers in Thailand.

Oo Kon Plai and his wife had reportedly started a new business selling “toddy”, an alcoholic beverage made from coconut palms, a mere 2 months ago.

Monday, March 29, 2010

Mudon TPDC finally collects long-threatened housing tax

Mon 29 Mar 2010, IMNA
The Mudon Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC) has finally begun it’s official collection of a tax on new homes built between 2007 and 2010. Talk of the tax began in September 2009.

IMNA reported on the announcement of the tax last fall, after the Mudon TPDC called meetings in the Mudon Township villages of Young Doung, Hnee padaw and Kwan hlar, where villagers were informed that homeowners in the villages in question, who had construct their houses between 2007 and 2009, were required to pay a housing tax; the tax collection was never carried out with any consistency.

IMNA’s reporters have now learned that the Mudon TPDC has decided to follow through with the new-house tax, and has extended the tax to include all of Mudon Township’s 42 villages; homes built in 2010 will also be taxed. The collection, which began on March 25th of this year, reportedly incited chaos, as many Mudon villagers flatly refused to pay the fees, while others claimed that the tax had already been collected from them.

“They [the TPDC chairmen] came on March 25th, at first the village headman tried to collect it [the tax], but the villager couldn’t pay it. That’s why when they came to take it nobody paid on that day, so they [the chairmen] have changed the date [for tax collection] again, they will collect it next month but have not given an exact date” said a Mudon resident, who requested that the name of his village be withheld.

This source informed IMNA that owners of homes built between 2007 and 2010 in each of Mudon Township’s 42 villages must pay housing taxes for their new residences ranging from 200,000 kyat to 500,000 kyat; the tax variations depend on the size and building materials of the houses in question.

“They ordered the villagers to pay the tax on March 25th , but some house owners said already paid, some haven’t paid yet, now they have changed the dates again” a second Mudon Township resident, who also asked that the name of his village be withheld, explained.

“In our village, they already collected it [the tax], it is depends the house. For a two story house, the owner has to pay about 450,000 kyat, for a one story house the owner has to pay about 300,000 kyat. The houses built with wood have to pay about 200,000 kyat, the orders came from the village headman,” he added.

The tax collection has caused widespread concern in Mudon Township; home owners whose villages were never included in the original tax are suddenly struggling to find sufficient funds; villagers who’d hoped that the TPDC had forgotten or abandoned its taxation plans are concerned about scraping together enough cash after the past year’s unproductive agricultural seasons.

“This is didn’t happen before, it is the first time for the house tax [in our village], the house owners who have enough money, they can pay, but some house owners have no more money. How can they pay? This tax may be a problem for poor families” a Hnee padaw villager reported.

Friday, March 26, 2010

Ye Town TPDC stymies commercial development

Fri 26 Mar 2010, Kon Hadae
The Ye Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC) chairman has ordered that Ye town’s central commercial district be closed, and that its shop buildings be uprooted.

The TPDC chairman ordered that the shopping area at the center of Ye town be closed and dismantled on March 22nd of this year, claiming that the shops obstructed view from the windows of the TPDC office, also located in the center at the intersection of the town’s 2 main roads.

Shop owners claim that they have not been pointed to a new location for their businesses, nor offered any form of compensation for the move. Shop owners have been ordered to move their shop rooms by the end of March.

Just as significantly, the chairman has issued at mandate forbidding any future construction of commercial outlets near the town’s central intersection, effectively capping commercial growth within Ye town proper.

“The chairman said, these shops are blocking the TPDC office and he cannot see outside, that why he has ordered the owners to destroy them all [the shops]. The shops have been located here for long time. And also he [the chairman] said that he does not want to see any more shops opening [in the town center]” said a shop owner.

He added that shops in the town’s center have been closed since the issuance of the March 22nd orders, as their owners fear that continuing to do business before the forced exodus will provoke the chairman into acting even more harshly against them.

According to sources in Ye town, the very area that the Ye TPDC chairman has reclaimed is a section of Ye town specifically fingered for commercial development 9 years ago, when the Ye division of the Ministry of Developmental Affairs dismantled the formerly ramshackle groups of shops that previously did business in the area; the ministry built a series of streamlined, uniform shop rooms in town’s center, and sold them to interested businessmen.

The threatened shop owners that IMNA spoke to explained that they fear that the TPDC chairman will use his recently issued commands as a means of extorting money from business owners.

“I think, the chairman will make shop owners pay money to him in order to prevent him from destroying their shops, because the chairman wants a new truck for himself, a second town center shop owner told IMNA.

Shop owners informed IMNA that while they would like to report the chairman’s orders and issue a formal complaint to an upper-level government department, they are not entirely certain if the orders came directly from the Ye TPDC chairman, or from a higher level, and they are uncertain about which ministry or government office would be appropriate, or safe, to submit a claim to.

The shops the TPDC chairman objects to form a shopping center of over 20 shop rooms - tea shops, snooker shops, and restaurants. According to a third shop owner the central location of the shopping center, near the Ye Township hall and on the town’s main cross streets, makes it a very popular area for Ye shoppers.

“if the shops have to be destroyed, I and other people like me, will have problems with our families, because we are relying on these shops for our incomes” he added.

Thursday, March 25, 2010

Mon and Pali languages excluded from Shwedagon Pagoda reconstruction

Thu 25 Mar 2010, Kon Chan
The Dhammaceti stone inscription at Rangoon’s Shwedagon Pagoda, which was damaged by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, is in the process of being reconstructed by a team of experts; this team has opted to re-carve the inscription in Burmese and English, using the latter to replace the Mon and Pali that originally graced the artifact.

According to a Shwedagon Pagoda Gawpaka, a monk who oversees the maintenance of the monument, the Dhammaceti inscription, which recounts both sacred Buddhist teachings and key passages of ancient Mon history, is located on the edge of the “Sunday” corner of Shwedagone Pagoda. The original inscription was carved 500 years ago in the Mon, Burmese, and Pali languages.

The newly restored inscription stone is set to be finished and ready for public viewing by mid-April.

According to Mon legend, Shwedagon Pagoda was built over 2500 years ago, when a pair of traders living in the ancient land of Rehmonnya collaborated with the Mon King Ukkalapa in the construction of a pagoda worthy of sheltering eight hairs given to them by Gautama Buddha. Unfortunately, a Mon religious scholar informed IMNA, the Mon people’s role in the pagoda’s construction has been gradually weeded out from Burmese history books since General Ne Win took power in the 1960’s.

The structure sustained significant damages when the infamous Cyclone Nargis hit the Irrawaddy Delta in 2008; strong winds tore off the gold paneling and precious gemstones that had previously decorated the building.

A second Shwedagon Gowpaka informed IMNA that a team of researchers and historians had to be collected to reconstruct the Burmese portion of the new inscription, as the remains of the section had become faded with age; he further that the exclusion of Mon and Pali from the reconstructed inscription was merely due to a dearth of Pali and Mon scholars knowledgeable enough to handle the project.

This explanation has been soundly rejected by various cultural and historical coalitions in Mon State. A member of the Mon Literature and Culture Committee informed IMNA that the substitution of English for Mon and Pali in essence destroys a valuable Mon historical artifact.

The committee member explained “I say this because they are destroying our Mon inscription. We ethnic minorities should maintain our ancient literatures’ writing styles as much as we can, and preserve things written in [for example] the Mon language or the Shan language.”

He further predicted that the current Mon Youth population will die only knowing a small amount of their rich cultural and historical inheritance, and that Mon history will be totally extinct within a few decades.

A Moulmein resident who recently traveled to Rangoon told IMNA, “They [the Burmese government] have tried to eradicate us [the Mon people], our literature, our culture, and our history many different times. Recently, the Buddha’s inscription is also being included in this, after they have already eradicated our literature and culture.”

“We also have experts [on the Mon language] if they are willing to let them help,” he added, responding to the Shwedagon Gowpaka group’s claims that Mon State lacks sufficient linguistic efforts to aid in the inscription’s recreation.

The reconstructed Dhammaceti inscription will be available for viewing in Shwedagon Pagoda’s east archway. The original engraving contained passages recounting the Mon people’s devout practice of Buddhism, and the story of Shwedagon Pagoda’s construction by the Mon King Ukkalapa. It is unknown whether or not these messages will also be “lost in translation” during the inscription’s reconstruction.

Cordless phone towers closed due to suspected media link

Wed 24 Mar 2010, Hong Dein, IMNA
Cordless phone transmitter towers all over Mon State have been disabled since the third week of March 2010, in an attempt made by Burmese authorities to stem the flow of information being sent to exile media groups based along the Thailand-Burma border.

A Mudon Township cordless phone owner informed IMNA, “the Burmese authorities have ordered the phone offices up on the mountains to close since last week.”

A second phone owner from Mudon Township elaborated that the Burmese authorities’ increased frustration with the amount of information being leaked to media groups lead them to order the closing of cellular phone towers in the Townships of Moulmein, Ye, Thanphyuzayart and Mudon.

Cordless transmitter towers inside Burma are typically owned and run by independent, private owners. The practice of owning a private tower is technically illegal inside Burma, and their owners must typically pay large amounts of money to Village Peace and Development Council (VPDC) members in their villages, as well as various Burmese law enforcement factions. Disgruntled tower owners informed IMNA that the recent crackdown on transmitter towers by these same authorities has dramatically impacted their incomes, already partially depleted by extortion fees.

“Most of my income [from the tower] was given to the sa-thone-lone [Burmese intelligent agency], policemen, village headmen, and the secret police, because they would often come demand money from tower owners, because the phone towers are illegal,” an former tower owner, who asked to remain anonymous, complained.

A cordless phone owner in Moulmein explained that the crackdown on cordless towers is creating problems for Burmese families with relatives employed as migrant workers in Thailand. These individuals, who use cordless phones to transfer money into Burma and communicate with their families inside Burma, are having great difficulties making contact.

According to a second cordless phone owner in Moulmein, cell phone usage in Burma is widespread largely because of its low cost; one minute of cordless phone usage costs 300 kyat per minute, as opposed to one minute of satellite phone usage, which costs 600 kyat a minute. This source complained to IMNA that cordless phone connections were highly insecure, and that private conversations can easily be picked up on radio transmitters, and played for all to hear.

Tuesday, March 23, 2010

NMSP and SEC meeting on March 16th maintains status quo, for now

Tue 23 Mar 2010, IMNA
During a meeting between the Southeast Command (SEC) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) on March 16th of this year, the SEC reaffirmed its decision not to pressure the NMSP into accepting the Burmese military government’s Border Guard Force offer – yet.

According to a source within the NMSP, who asking that his identity be witheld, the meeting was held at the SEC headquarters in Moulmein, Mon state. The gathering was attended by SEC commander Maj. Gen. That Nai Win as well as several low ranking SEC officers; the NMSP contingent in attendance was formed of Joint Secretary Nai Chan Toi, Central Executive Committee Nai Htar Wara, Major General Jeya, and Central Executive Committee Nai Tala Nyi.

“The commander didn’t put pressure on the NMSP [to accept the BGF proposal] during its meeting with the Southeast Command. Everything is the same as when they met before”, said IMNA’s source, a high ranking officer within the NMSP.

The NMSP refused the State Peace and Development Council’s (SPDC) offer to convert the party’s armed wing into a government-overseen “Border Guard Force” in August 2009; the SPDC retaliated by depriving the NMSP of its Mon State taxation rights, and therefore the majority of its revenue, in September. The move lead to widespread speculation the 1995 ceasefire signed by the SPDC and the NMSP would be ended as a result, but the agreement has yet to be toppled.

According to IMNA’s source, despite Maj. Gen. That Naing Win’s reassurances that the Burmese government would not force the NMSP’s acceptance of the BGF proposal, the Commander did disclose that NMSP activities are currently being closely monitored by the Burmese government.

“Significantly, they [the SEC] told the NMSP party to consider and decide what the party [the NMSP] would like to do about the 2010 election laws recently released by the Burmese government, and decide whether the NMSP would like to run in the elections. The NMSP will make the best decision they can. That’s all they said,” a second source close to the NMSP reported.

This newfound ambivalence from the NMSP regarding the 2010 elections is drastically at odds with the party’s previous stance on the elections; the party issued a public statement in January 2009 declaring that unless the 2008 constitution was subjected to revision, the party would boycott the elections. However, the 2nd election law issued by the Burmese government this March mandates that all political parties interested in running in the elections must pledge to uphold the constitution.

The NMSP officer IMNA interviewed reported that the NMSP plans to uphold the ceasefire until the Burmese government pressures the party to accept the Border Guard Force plan, at which point the NMSP is prepared to revert to military means to defend itself and its political stance.

The NMSP refused the State Peace and Development Council’s (SPDC) offer to convert the party’s armed wing into a government-overseen “Border Guard Force” in August 2009; the SPDC retaliated by depriving the NMSP of its Mon State taxation rights, and therefore the majority of its revenue, in September. The move lead to widespread speculation the 1995 ceasefire signed by the SPDC and the NMSP would be ended as a result, but the agreement.

Friday, March 19, 2010

Massive border crackdowns in Kawthoung land 100 in prison

Fri 19 Mar 2010, IMNA
IMNA has learned that a major crackdown by Tenasserim Division’s Kawthaung Township border authorities has left over 100 attempted illegal migrant workers from Burma in detainment for over a month.

The workers, who have been restricted to various Kawthaung Township quarters under the charge of various Village Peace and Development Council (VPDC) chairmen, claim that they have not been given food or water by their captors; many are running out of the funds that they had originally brought with them to fund an illegal border crossing into Thailand in February, and will soon be unable to purchase food and other basic necessities.

Kawthaung is a major point of entry from Burma into Ranoung, in Southern Thailand. The crossing represents one of the three legal Thai-Burma border entry points; the others are located at Myawaddy, which crosses in Thailand’s Mae Sot, and Thakset, which crosses into Thailand’s Mae Sot.

The Kawthaung entry is, more infamously, a major hub for migrant worker brokers and individuals seeing to enter Thailand without work permits or passports. The detainment of the 100 individuals currently being held in Kawthaung represents a departure from the border-control policy formerly practiced by Burmese authorities; interception of an illegal migrant workers formerly only resulted in these individuals being immediately sent back to their home villages inside Burma.

“They [the Burmese authorities] didn’t send back the people they arrested [to their home states and villages], they didn’t allow them to go anywhere [detainment], they don’t give food and water to the migrants, so now many migrants are having problems getting food,” a Kawthaung resident told IMNA.

A Kawthaung resident reported to IMNA that the detained individuals have been divided between several Kawthaung Township quarters: Payinnoung quarter, Antawar quarter, Shewhintar quarter, Ayeyeiknyein quarter, and Shwepyitar quarter.

The crackdown reportedly is the result of a change in border control policy begun in 2010, led by the commander of the Kawthoung Tactical commander Khin Gyi Latt. The Kawthaung Tactical Command is the authority in charge of the Kauthaung entry point.

“Now under the new tactical commander at Kawthaung, many officers have been fired from their positions, like those people who took bribes from the brokers to allow the migrant workers to enter Thailand,” reported a Kawthaung migrant broker to IMNA.

Reportedly, Burmese authorities have taken to searching the entirety of Kawthaung city for individuals without valid travel documents or local Kawthaung identification.

“The soldiers and police waited at all of the checkpoints in Kawthaung, they checked all of the travelers, some of them [the travelers with valid travel documents] they released. However, they searched the city’s hotels at night time, and they arrested all of the people in the hotel, because none of these people were from Kawthaung, and had no homes in Kawthaung,” the broker informed IMNA.

He further informed IMNA that Burmese authorities had searches conducted arrests at a total of 4 major hotels in Kawthaung: the Kawthaung hotel, the Lucky hotel, the Khit thit San hotel, the Payin ma hotel, and the La Kabar hotel. Detainees were promptly sent to VPDC headquarters in various Kawthaung Township quarters, where small detainment camps have been constructed. Plans for their release or relocation have not yet been released to the public.

Thursday, March 18, 2010

Displaced villagers continue to struggle in Tavoy District

Thu 18 Mar 2010, Mehn Oa
Villagers fleeing abuse at the hands of Burmese military battalions in Tenasserim Division and Tavoy District’s Khaw zar sub-Township are encountering a new host of problems after taking refuge in New Mon State Party (NMSP)-controlled territory in Tavoy District.

The residents of Tavoy Districts Jao Dein village, where the vast majority of the 200-plus displaced villagers have taken refuge, claim that that they lack sufficient food, educational facilities, and medical care to see to the need’s of the village’s newest residents.

According to Kaowao newsgroup on March 11th of this year, during the first week of March 2010, over 200 villagers from Tenasserim Division’s Yebyu Township fled to NMSP-controlled area, in order to escape forced militia training at the hands of Burmese Light Infantry Battalions (LIB) No. 282 and 273; IMNA has received information that similar abuses committed by Infantry Battalion No. 31, in the village of Mi Htaw Hlar in Tavoy District’s Khwa zar sub-Township have prompted village residents to find shelter in NMSP area as well.

Currently, IMNA’s sources report that well over 200 villagers from Mi Htaw Hlar, and the Yebyu villages of Kyauktalin, Kyaukkatin, Alaesakhan, Paukpinkwin have taken up residence in and around the small 200-household village of Jao Dein and pala tha rao, in Tavoy District. Unfortunately, the residents of Jao Dein earn their survival through highland rice cultivation, and many reported to IMNA that this means of existence simply does not yield enough rice to share with the newcomers.

“The people who have arrived in our village, we can only help them find shelter, because in our village, we have no more food to help them, but we try to help them while they are having these problem [no jobs or shelter], however we cannot give them food. We can help them with housing, and our village headman has plans to build houses for them” a villager from that area explained.

According to reports, Jao Dein’s village headman has spearheaded efforts to provide aid to the displaced villagers that have arrived in his village, as well as those who continue to straggle in. Jao Dein villagers have been entreated to open their homes up to the new arrivals, and plans have been made to begin construction on temporary shelters. Long-term plans, to provide the displaced villagers with highland gardens and paddy farms, are also being discussed.

“We can help just with giving shelter in our village, because we do not have enough food for them, but now we are trying to build some houses for them. We will try to save all of the people who left from their villages,” a village headman informed IMNA.

Pleas for assistance resulted in small donations of rice from a local Mon party, who asked that its name be concealed for political reasons. However, a newly arrived former resident of Mi Htaw Hlar reported to IMNA that food remains scarce, and that the small size of Jan Dein has resulted in shortages of other services and educational opportunities.

“We have no homes, no more food, and no school for our children to attend. Now the village headman is helping use by asking villagers to let us live in their homes, with their families. The village headman has made plans to provide all of the people who have arrived in his village with shelter, but the villagers can’t give us food. We still have problems getting food,” he told IMNA.

Mon Working Committee holds 2010 election meeting; divisions threaten party unity

Thu 18 Mar 2010, Nai Marn
The 15 person Mon “working committee”, met on Monday, March 15th 2010, to review the Burmese government’s recently released election laws and decide whether or not to register the party to run in the upcoming elections. Unfortunately, no consensus was reached, and a second meeting has been scheduled for March 31st.

The committee was founded last year after the 14th anniversary of New Mon State Party’s ceasefire agreement with the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC); the committee issued public statements saying that it had been founded with the goal of working towards membership in open, democratic elections.

The working committee is currently divided between two different political view points; half of the committee reportedly favors registering as a political party, in order to run in the upcoming elections, while the other half remains vehemently opposed to the much debated 2008 constitution. Unfortunately, under the recently released “Political Parties” law, support of the 2008 constitution is mandatory for all political parties who seek to register themselves. Hence, the committee remains locked in a disagreement that it hopes to resolve during the March 31st talks.

According to a working committee member, the committee will meet on March 31st with the Mon National Democratic Font, as well as several titled senior Mon State monks. The addition of outside parties is intended to break the political impasse in which the party has found itself.

“We hold a second meeting on March 31st, and we will make our decision after monitoring and discussing the positions of the ceasefire armed groups and the National League for Democracy (NLD)” explained a “working committee” member.

Another working committee member said, “ It [the committee] might have two ideas about political actions, bit it should only have one view about the state of the Mon people and the issue of the Mon Nation.”

Unfortunately, several political observers that IMNA spoke with posited that disagreements about 2010 election participation might not be resolved, and that a break up of the committee is imminent.

“The ‘election commission law’ and the law for the formation of political parties are very strict. That’s why the people who want to run in the elections will run, and the people who do not agree with it [the elections and the 2008 constitution] will oppose running, in cooperation with other pro-democracy organizations,” claimed secretary of The Mon National Democratic Font, Nai Soe Lin to IMNA.

Wednesday, March 17, 2010

Irregular electricity supplies hamper Mudon Township students during exam period

Wed 17 Mar 2010, Mi Lyi Htaw
Burmese high school students across the country are currently sitting for the annual “10 standard” examinations; unfortunately, Mudon Township residents have informed IMNA that poor electricity supplies are once again likely to complicate studying during the exam period, and by extension, exam scores.

The exams, which began on March 10th and will end on March 19th, are required for all students wishing to exit high school and enter university. Scores received on 10 standard exams are used to determine which caliber of university a prospective student can enroll in.

“In Mudon Township there is no regular electricity, it is now the time for student examinations [to enter university]. When the students need light to read, students whose homes have generators can get light, but those who have no generator have study by candle light,” said the mother of a Mudon town highs school student currently taking the exams.

She informed IMNA that five months ago, in mid November, Mudon Township enjoyed regular, 24-hour power supplies. However, since the start of 2010, electricity supplies have been slowly dwindling, and currently electrical access in Mudon Township is as poor as it has been for the past 20 years, since the current Burmese government took power in 1990. Reportedly, when power supplies do come to Mudon Township, they frequently arrive during the late hours of the night and the early hours of the morning, and only for brief intervals.

“The electricity is coming ‘on and off’ for the moment; Moulmein gets electricity just 5 or 6 hours. Before the time of the student’s exams, there were not too many difficulties for them, but during this examination period it [the irregular electricity] is difficult for high school and college students to deal with. The other times, this doesn’t matter, but they should give regular, full electricity during student exam times. Everyone is angry about the bad electricity, but everyone feels that they must stay quiet [rather than protesting]” a resident of Myinetharyar quarter in Moulmein city explained.

The mother of the high school student from Mudon Town reported to IMNA that electricity access outside of Moulmein is even more limited. She claimed that Mudon town and the remainder of Mudon Township only receives electricity for an average of 2 to 3 hours a day; at times, power fails to come for an entire day.

In March 2009, poor electrical supplies during exams led Mawlamyine University students to lead a massive protest, which resulted in regular power supplies being given to Moulmein city for a period of 2 months. However, by May 2009 electricity in Moulmein had sadly returned to its previous, fickle status quo.

“The high school and university students – the entire student population - protested in Moulmein city last year because there was no electricity during examinations last year. The electricity is now coming ‘on again, off again’, it is not regular, just like last year’s situation, but they [Moulmein students] are not doing the what they did last year [protesting]. They are all quiet,” a second Moulmein resident informed IMNA.

Mon State motorbike drivers subjected to rigorous vehicle searches

Wed 17 Mar 2010, Kon Hadee
IMNA’s field reporters have confirmed that the staff members at 4 major checkpoints in Mon State – the Thanphyuzayart to Mudon highway checkpoint, the Mudon to Moulmein highway checkpoint, the Moulmein to Kyaik-ma-yaw highway checkpoint, and the Moulmein to Pa-an highway checkpoint – have begun rigorous, unprecedented checks of motorbike drivers passing through the checkpoints.

Motorbike drivers and their vehicles are not usually singled out for checks, as motorbikes typically belong to local drivers and signal that their passengers are only using such small vehicles to travel short distances, and are therefore largely above suspicion. Residents informed INMA that the checks began in January and have been gradually increasing in intensity over the past two months.

“Before I thought they [the authorities] were just checking for the motorbikes without licenses, but they were not. When I was checked, they opened up my motorbike’s seat cover. What they were looking for, I did not know exactly and I did not dare to ask them [what they were looking for]” a recent traveler on the Thanphyuzayart to Mudon highway told IMNA.

According to a second eye witness and recent traveler on the Thanphyuzayart to Mudon highway, every single individual who passed through the checkpoint between Thanphyuzayart and Mudon Township was search. Reportedly, individuals who merited suspicion were questioned about their origins and travel destinations.

IMNA’s reporters also confirmed that staffing at the checkpoints has increased dramatically; up to 20 members of various Burmese government departments can now be found a each of the checkpoints.

“Officers from many different departments were checking the people, such as policemen, soldiers, and traffic police. All I know is that they are just checking the people who are traveling on motorbikes, they are not checking the passengers who are traveling in trucks,” said a Moulmein resident.

This source also reported to IMNA that the checkpoints have been continuing their vehicle searches after sundown, and unusual development as most checkpoints shut down at night.

A Thanphyuzayart resident, who asked that his exact location be concealed, reported to IMNA that while most travelers are unsure of the reasoning behind the increased checkpoint strictures, his village headman had learned from the Thanphyuzayart Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC) that government authorities are responding to rumors of an impending bombing in Mon State.

Other sources that IMNA spoke to dismissed claims of bomb scares, and instead insisted that checkpoint authorities are merely using the searches as a means of checking motorbike drivers for documents or evidence of belonging to a Mon State political organization, such as the Mon Relief and Development Council (MRDC), or the New Mon State Party (NMSP); one source claimed that checkpoint authorities are intending to single these group members out for particularly intense scrutiny.

“Even though the authorities gave the reason [for the checkpoints] that they are checking for a bomber, I think, they [the authorities] are not. They just want to disturb of the political groups who are traveling with motorbikes,” a political observer from Mudon township told IMNA.

Thailand’s political unrest cuts down timber exports, traders in Three Pagodas Pass claim

Thu 11 Mar 2010, Kon Hadee
Timber sellers in Three Pagodas Pass have informed IMNA that interest from Thai buyers has dropped dramatically since the end of February, and that consequently their businesses are suffering; sources claimed that drops in timber purchases could be partially attributed to Thailand’s recent political upheaval.

According to timber traders from the Three Pagodas Pass region, starting in the 3rd week of February 2010, the merchants noticed a dramatic decrease in the number of Thai timber merchants importing wood from the area. The remaining Thai businesses who continue to purchase timber from Three Pagodas Pass are enjoying large discounts, as timber traders have been forced to lower product prices in the newly competitive buyers market. The price decreases have proved especially problematic to individuals who have invested large amounts of funds in their timber businesses.

“Timber prices are very low. Before, we got 13,000 baht for one ton of wood, but now we get only 8000 baht per ton. I am going to lose about 2000 baht per ton [with each sale]. Currently I keep my timber and do not sell; I am waiting to see what the prices are like. If the price [of timber] goes up, I am going to sell my timber. But currently I have to stop doing my job for a while,” claimed a timber seller, who told IMNA that he had invested over 1 million baht in his business.

This seller explained to IMNA that he’d originally purchased 100 tons of timber, at the cost of 1,500 baht a ton. Shipments are made in 1-ton increments; with each shipment, sellers must plan on paying roughly 1,500 baht at assorted checkpoints run by the Burmese army and various rebel groups, and 2,500 baht in labor costs. Transportation costs an additional 4,000 baht. The decreased price of timber since late February has made it impossible for this timber merchant, as well as his peers, to earn any sort of income selling their timber.

Another Mon timber trader from Three Pagodas Pass claimed that Thailand’s unstable political situation has discouraged Thai buyers from purchasing timber, as they themselves fear that they will be unable to resell their purchases in a chaotic political and economic environment.

On February 26th of this year, the Thai Supreme Court ruled to seize the financial assets of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was removed from power in a 2006 political coup. The ruling has caused significant upheaval, and according to the British Broadcasting Company on March 9th, the Thai government has called for the establishment of a nation-wide “security act” between March 11th and March 23rd, when Thaksin supporters plan to hold demonstrations demanding that the current government call for new elections.

This trader also explained that selling unwanted timber inside Burma is not a financially viable option, as Burmese buyers will not pay for the timber cash down, but instead will only pay Three Pagoda Pass traders back after they also have resold their purchases.

“Even though the price of timber is going down, the tax we pay for timber has not gone down. This is also the main problem for us. If we are going to sell this timber inside Burma, we will not get money for the timber at once. We have to wait till they [timber traders inside Burma] resell the timber. So this is not ok for us or our businesses” he added.

A third timber businessman from the region claimed that this latest decrease in timber prices is the most severe since 1997. Starting in the summer of 1997, currencies around Southeast Asia dropped dramatically in value, after the Thai government changed the baht into a floating currency and subsequently caused the baht to collapse; between 1997 and 1998 the Thai baht’s value dropped over 40 percent. The crisis became regional, and currencies and stock markets throughout Southeast Asia plunged in value.

Amid growing unemployment rates, Burmese women turn to prostitution to survive

Thu 11 Mar 2010, Nai Marn, Asah
Sources report that prostituion is a rapidly growing problem in Burma's major cities, as rising unemployment rates are forcing Burmese women to work the streets as a means of feeding themselves and thier families.

Prostituion is a particular problem among migrants from Upper Burma, many of whom traveled to urban areas in order to find employment. Far away from home, and unable to find work in the county's competetive job market, migrant women turn to prostitution as a means of survival. And as levels of migrants seeking to escape the problems plaguing Upper Burma's dry agricultural region rise, so too does the number of women making thier incomes through prositution.

According to a resident living in Tamwe Township in Rangoon, women from a variety of regions outside Rangoon live in Tamwe Township; he claimed that every night, large numbers of these women can be seen trolling the main streets between the hours of 7 and 10 pm, when the government-imposed curfew begins including some quarter at Rangoon, during the night time around 7 PM to 10 PM.

"We have been seening many women were walking along the main street during night time. If a man came and called one of them, she would follow this man and go to another place [with him]. But after 10 PM, we don't see them anymore," he informed IMNA.

«This is a hopeless life, and it is because because unemployment is growing among them [Upper Burmese migrant women]», he claimed .

A woman who works at at massage parlour in Rangoon explained to IMNA that the majority of the women who work the city's restaurant's, night clubs, and massage parlours are originally from areas outside the city. She reported that while such institutions are not exactly brothels persen, they encourage prostitution due to the clientel they draw and the low wages they give their workers, who are often forced to sell their bodies to recieve the «tips» they need to supplement their meager incomes.

"I can see that there are women from many different places here. I have been working in this shop for two years. At this shop, one session lasts for one hour. A session costs 3000 kayt, but I only get 500 kayt each time. 2500 kayt, I have to pay to the shop owner. They [the shop owners] give me 30,000 kayt per month. Depending on the guest, if they give me a tip, I can get bonus money.»

The residents of Moulmein city, the capital of Mon State, are noticing a similar trend among the city's female population, and and sources claim that prostitutes are becoming a more noticable and established group of the city's population.

"As I can see, mostly prostitutes live around the railway station at Thirimyine, and in Zayarkyikoung quarter in Moulmein. They are quite young , maybe 25 years old. They often combine into groups of 5 people and rent a flat for living in. Why I know about them is because they have been coming to my clinic and buying some of my cough medicine, about 30 to 40 doses between all of them. They frequently come and buy it."

A youth in Moulmein told IMNA that many of the women who now work in Moulmein's restaurants and message parlours are also primarily from Upper Burma, and that, like in Rangoon, many have been forced into working as prostituties due to the lack of steady emplymen in the city.

The Moulmein-based doctor told IMNA that the trend, ulitmately, is the result of the tradtional roles occupied by women in many areas of Burma; many never recieve the education or job experience needed for legitimate employment, and as such are have few options available to them in times of financial need.

«There are many problems that have been seen, and many bad situations have been affecting the women who work in Burma. As we can see ,they live without jobs after thier weddings, and so they have many kinds of problems getting enought income for their families. Which it why some of women's lives are destroyed and they are turning to lives as prostitutes.

Thursday, March 11, 2010

The relation between NMSP and SPDC on the 51st anniversary of the party foundation;

Interview with secretary of New Mon State Party, Nai Hong Sar
Fri 24 Jul 2009, By Rai Maraoh
IMNA: Can you speak about the current relations between the New Mon State Party [NMSP] and the State Peace and Development Council [SPDC]?

NHS: The NMSP’s cease-fire agreement with SPDC has gone on for 14 years and the SPDC is currently planning to hold an election in 2010. The military regime will hold the election according to their desires and the constitution they have drawn up. There will be only one army, which will even control the police department, and all the ethnic armed groups will have to be under that army’s control. That’s why the SPDC is talking with us about forming a Border Guard Force (BGF) for us to be under their control. In this case, none of the strong political parties will be able to accept and only those groups which have weak political views have already accepted the SPDC offer. Like the others, the NMSP can’t accept changing the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) into a BGF, and this will affect the relations between the NMSP and the SPDC. They [SPDC] will still try to find a way to shape the armed groups as they want. This causes more problems for the relations and potential conflict between NMSP and SPDC.



IMNA: What is your opinion on the SPDC offer to change the MNLA into a Border Guard Force?

MNSP: The reason that we all, Mon, Kachin, Karen and Shan, have taken political action, is to gain rights for our nationalities. To be precise, our aim is to gain the right of self-determination of Mon State and for Mon people. We have to hold onto our arms to help reach our goal, as we can’t gain our rights making only verbal demands - we have to have an armed group. No political party can accept handing over their arm force to the SPDC. As we all know today, there will be no hope and no rights for us. That’s why we didn’t accept it because our nation, Burma, is not fully democratic. We can look at National League for Democracy (NLD). Although the NLD gets full support from the people, we can see it can’t do much in terms of political activities. Right now we can carry on our political movement because of our army. If we handed over our arm forced to them, there would be no way for us to carry out political activities. This is has been our experience. After the Mon People’s Front disarmed, we lost all of our opportunities. We have had the experience of losing huge opportunities before and we don’t want that kind of experience to happen to us again.



IMNA: What you mean is that you definitely won’t accept the SPDC offer, right?

NMSP: Well, I will have to say, yes. To say this, as all people acknowledge, we can’t accept the SPDC offer. The SPDC has already known this, that the NMSP won’t be able to accept it.



IMNA: What is the focus of the emergency meeting of the NMSP, which is going to be held during the approaching last week of July?

NMSP: After the SPDC realizes most of the ethnic political parties can’t accept their current offer to change the ethnic armed forces into a BGF, the military regime will turn to another method. That is either to reform the MNLA as a people’s militia force or to just ask how the NMSP wants to change its’ army. The party’s meeting will focus on this issue and how to respond to the SPDC request. We will discuss how to handle what the SPDC will come up with, and the current Burmese political situation as it will vastly affect both the Mon and all the other people of Burma.



IMNA: You just said the SPDC’s political situation will have huge affect, what do you mean by that?

NMSP: We will not be able to keep doing political work and representing the party if we deny their offer. They [SPDC] will provoke us, the cease-fire will end, and peace will end in Mon State. This will happen not only with the Mon but other ethnic groups as well. This is a big change and there will be massive conflict if the SPDC keeps doing what they want and the ethnic political parties are unable to accept their desires. To be clear, civil war will restart again. This change is important.



IMNA: What can happen if NMSP rejects the SPDC offer?

NMSP: I cannot say exactly what will happen. The reason we made a ceasefire agreement was to solve the political problems over the table. We wanted to find a political solution in peaceful way, but, we will have not found a way and we will fight again if the SPDC wants to solve this with arms.



IMNA: Does NMSP have any preparing to do to go to war again?

NMSP: Yes, we have made some preparations in our army.

The 2010 General Election: A discourse on civil and constitutional rights in Burma

Mon 15 Feb 2010, Banya Hong Sar, Canberra
Governmental elections are the foundation of democracy and government in modern world politics. The foundation of a nation is in its upholding of a constitution that guarantees civil and political rights for its citizens. Each clause of the constitution must guarantee these rights to all citizens. Burma’s 2010 new general elections will test these perspectives. The 12th of February is marked as “Union Day” in Burma, symbolizing unity among ethnicities or unity in diversity. This symbolization does not yet match with reality in the country of Burma, where civil wars and political conflicts between ethnic groups are deeply rooted in the history of the past sixty years.

Burma has failed to uphold the constitutional, civil, and political rights of its people, and thus its foundation as a nation, since the day after the country received independence in 1948. Imbalances of power between the central government and ethnic-based state authorities have been the seed of conflicts for over half the 20th century. The Mon, Karen, Shan, Chin, Kachin, Kayeh and other ethnic people fought for constitutional rights until 1960 but the Burman-dominated government denied them “State Constitutional Rights” in both the 1947 and 1973 new constitutions. The ethnic leaders have had no other means to gain rights besides forming armed military units, to wage civil war for the right of self determination under the Burmese constitution since that time. The battle is not yet over.

The new constitution amended by a forced referendum in May 2008 was another attempt by the government of Burma, led by the military junta, to control all constitutional power over Burma’s seven ethnic States. A 194 paged document containing all the clauses in the articles of the constitution left little space for ethnic people and states to hold constitutional power. In fact, the new constitution was based on a “unitary union” desired by the military junta, rather than the “federal union” demanded by the ethnic political leaders.

The New Mon State Party (NMSP), the principal ethnic political organization of Mon State and its people, has repeatedly urged the State Peace and Development Council, the current military junta, to redraft and have a proper debate about new constitution on several occasions. However, the military junta has rejected having a public debate on redrafting the new constitution. The Mon leaders finally rejected the constitution, and also refused to form a “Border Guard Force” of its military battalions. Tension between the SPDC and NMSP leaders both politically and militarily, has been intense for some months in Mon State. Consequently, the military junta used its power to charge a young Mon monk Buddhist teacher, and democracy activist, for possessing a laptop that contained some files protesting the new 2010 elections. The police detained and tortured him last month, and he is now in a prison cell without legal access.

Unless the military junta agrees to allow opposition parties, non-Burman State leaders’ demand for a public debate and redrafting of the constitution, the new election will be a joke. If the military junta forces all of Burma’s citizens to vote for its handpicked candidates in the upcoming elections, and the world accepts the outcome, Burma will continue to be dominated by a military government. The Burmese military junta is using every avenue and all its power to force all ethnic groups’ military battalions to form “Border Guard Forces” under the legal framework and control of the Burma Armed Force. Many ethnic leaders have rejected this invitation.

Mon State’s principle ethnic political party, the New Mon State Party, and its armed wing, the Mon National Liberation Army, have been asking Mon people at home and around the world to review the new constitution, seeking to know whether it contains the Mon peoples’ interests. Over thirty civil society groups in Mon State ran an anti- election campaign by releasing traditional “Fire Balloons” in mid 2009. The military junta got angry about the campaign, and cracked down on all leading civil rights groups in Mon State. Consequently, the Mon music and language groups are under a surveillance.

Burma has been moving down the road to democracy for over twenty years. However, the new constitution does not guarantee civil and constitutional rights for the country’s citizens. Burma’s citizens call for support from the world’s democratic leaders, asking them to pressure the current military junta to grant greater political dialogue and participation within the country. This call has been ignored for years.

Burma’s “Union Day” is meaningless unless “unity in diversity” is truly accepted by Burma’s society. The survival of Burma rests on a guarantee of constitutional rights for all its citizens, and especially for the rights of Burma’s seven ethnic states. Either pro-engagement or anti- engagement with Burma’s junta will not made any difference unless the new 2008 constitution publicly debated by all citizens. The world’s leaders must support Burma’s citizens at home and around the world by encouraging public debate on the new constitution, for the best interests of the Burmese nation. Members of democratic nations like Australia, British and USA should train constitutional lawyers in Burma.

Elections are the foundation of a modern democratic government. But, the new election sponsored by the military junta is but a bandage placed atop the political injuries of the last half century. The forcibly amended new constitution must be destroyed, and a “Federal Union” model must be drafted with allowances for equal representation for all the country’s citizens in 2010. This new model should be examined by constitutional experts from the UN, USA and other nations, with collaboration from a “Burmese Constitutional Drafting Committee that can be set up at the National Convention.

Burma is heading down a long road to democracy. Drafting the best model of a constitution, with equal representation from all ethnic representatives, the National League for Democracy, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and even representation from the current military junta, is a correct approach to solving Burma’s political crisis. A sixty day long National Convention should be held, to debate this new model of the constitution. Burma’s citizens and a constitutional technical assistance group must be given at least one hundred days for comments and debate. The new federal election should be held in late 2011 or early 2012, and then afterwards state elections should be held in due time.

Civil war is not the way to achieve political goals. Placing military rule over the nation is wrong. Neither civil war nor military rule can change Burma into a democratic nation. Constitutional reform, that guarantees constitutional rights to all citizens and all of Burma’s ethnic sates, is the best approach to the crisis. Union Day is about both unity in diversity and unity in purpose.

US Engagements in Burma Should not Exclude Democracy and Reconciliation

Tue 20 Oct 2009,
It is good news to hear that US Sectary of State Hillary Clinton desires to “directly engage” with Burma’s decades-old military government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), to push for democratic transition and a review of sanctions.

The Burmese people honestly and urgently desire a better economy and basic freedoms, as they have demonstrated many times, from the time of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising to the 2007 “Saffron Revolution”. However, the SPDC’s inhumane attempts at silencing the Burmese people’s voices has sometimes incited the international community to attempt to intervene in Burma.

The UN has launched many “missions impossible” to pave the way for negotiations between the SPDC leaders and opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Unfortunately, the UN only offers the SPDC carrots – like aid for the Cyclone Nargis victims, and other development assistances – and when UN’s refused to provide these offering after the SPDC failed to comply with their aims, such “sticks” did not hurt the regime.

Now, the people of Burma just want to “wait and see” how tasteful the USA’s Obama administration’s carrots will be for the regime, and how much their sticks are able to hurt the regime. The people of Burma have always supported and admired USA’s effective policies against the regime in Burma, and they also believe the American people can help them. Some Burmese people even want to see a US invasion of their country, and harsh punishments for the Burmese government’s military regime.

Most of us want to see a peaceful democratic transition and national reconciliation in Burma without bloodshed, crackdowns, and war; we want to see this through free, fair, and participatory elections in 2010. Right now however, the people’s concern is that the 2008 constitution cannot guarantee a “democratic and unified” Burma.

Hence, in the USA’s engagements with Burma, the American government should demand for a review of the 2008 constitution, and the USA should encourage the regime to hold free, fair and participatory elections; America should also encourage the SPDC to initiate peaceful political talks with different ethnic nationalities, and to free all political prisoners. Then, the US can give a lot of carrots to the SPDC.

If the international community can makes sure that there will be a peaceful democratic transition, and some signs of much-promised national reconciliation within the country, the international sanctions on Burma should be lifted. If this situation ever occurs, US government and the international community can also consider offering reconstruction assistance to Burma.

The people in Burma expect the US administration to use their sticks and carrots effectively.

Wednesday, March 10, 2010

Can the Military Elite Rule Burma forever? A political essay on Burma

Mon 22 Feb 2010, Banya Hongsar, Canberra
Burma has been ruled by the military for over twenty years, and soldiers are everywhere in the country. Although the military cannot rule the nation as a government, it can control Burma and treat it as a commodity. Ordinary citizens live in constant fear of attacks from all sides, from both political and armed groups. Western nations have been watching and listening to all the suffering of Burma’s people for over two decades; it is time to change the game. The upcoming election has been designed by the military elite to include a constitutional amendment that will see the inclusion of 20 percent of the Defense Force into the quota of Nation Parliament. This is an assault on the fundamental rules of democracy.

Calling an election without popular support from the public is shameful. The election desired by Burma’s military elite has no credibility unless political leaders are freed from prison and candidates are freely allowed to campaign for at least 60 to 90 days before Election Day. Our nation is grossly underdeveloped and struggling to meet basic needs. Over 200,000 people have fled across its borders to Thailand, Malaysia and other neighboring countries for survival. When they arrive they are quickly blacklisted as ‘illegal immigrants’ and are not protected from exploitation, discrimination and violence as they struggle to earn their livings working in appalling conditions. This is a direct result of military rule in Burma. The military government simply cannot provide social welfare to its people but blames others, like opposition or ethnic resistance groups, for causing their inadequacies. This cyclical “blame game” of dirty politics has been ongoing for half a century.

In the case of Mon State, over 10,000 children are unable to attend primary school each year due to displacement and related conflicts between military and anti-military groups. The Education Report released by the military government is not a reliable source of a public record. Lack of access to education for children both in the border areas and in Thailand has a substantial negative impact on the nation and on regional security at large. The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the current military government, has denied all accusations that it has caused conflict and crisis in the country.

Burma has the potential to be a place of human enlightenment, as for centuries it has been enriched by Buddha’s teachings and laws, yet its place in world history reflects only its crises and its standing on the world stage as an unsafe country. However, the military leaders take no responsibility for any impact their actions have had on its global reputation, despite their rule destroying the country’s civil society, community harmony and social capital. Burma’s younger generations have sacrificed too much in their attempts to build a peaceful and prosperous country. Over 3,000 young students and monks have been killed for calling on the regime to change in the last 20 years. Our colleagues have been, and still are, detained, tortured and imprisoned without legal charges, on the grounds that they are a threat to national security. On the contrary, daily reports from inside Burma suggest that the real threats to national security are the military soldiers.

World-renowned, well-loved, and internationally recognized Noble Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s democracy icon, has been detained for most of the past 15 years, and forced to live under house arrest in her home in Rangoon, Burma’s former capital city. She has made compromises and attempts at meaningful dialogue with the military junta in attempts to solve the Burma crisis through equal representation. But Senior General Than Shwe, the country’s leader who cares about nothing more than his own power and his military men, has repeatedly rejected her requests. He attempted to conclude the sham National Convention in late 2006 and designed a new constitution without proper legal safeguards and popular debate among elected parliamentarians, but called for a referendum in May 2008. The new constitution is nothing more than military laws, which rule the nation via top military commanders in all States and Regions. There are no civil right that are guaranteed under the constitution. In all circumstances, appointed military commanders will rule the nation, as demanded by Than Shwe.

This military rule is backed by China’s business investments and interest in Burma’s resources. China sucks all resources for its economic boom from Burma for dirt-cheap prices. China’s expansion into Burma is not only for business and investment interests, but also for geo-political interests, to counter nations like India and the US’s influence on Burma’s future government. A poor country like Burma already relies heavily on imported goods from China, beginning with household items and ending with highly complex military hardware for the ruling military junta. Burma’s unofficial opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi understands the relations between China and Burma, and as such has not made any public criticism toward Chinese leaders.

Historically, China is not Burma’s best ally; it has been attacking Burma since 13 AD. However, the current Chinese leaders have a new regional outlook on economic power and this couples well with Burma’s ruling junta’s need of an ally while it is under pressure from the western nations like the US and UK. The ruling junta has expanded its national infrastructure, including bridges and a new capital city, with the technical support of China. For over 20 years, China has aided the ruling junta to remain in power.

According to Tony Abbott, an Australian Member of Parliament and current leader of the opposition, “Time is everything in politics.” While this may be true in democratic Australia, the same cannot be said for Burma, where the political game is played by only one side. The opposition leader in Burma has been banned from meeting with the media and other politicians from her own party for over 16 years. Burma’s people understand local politics better than any foreigners or so-called “Burma Experts”, but the punishment of making a complaint to local, national or central public authorities is quite severe, earning lengthy periods of imprisonment. There are no laws in place to protect members of the public if they wish to raise any issues that impact local education, health or community safety. Anyone can be charged by the military if the State declares he or she is a threat to “State Security” in any way. The state security act is a tool for the ruling military junta to elicit fear from the public.

The police and military can shoot-on-site anyone if they assume he or she is a threat to “State Security”. They do not require strong evidence. Therefore, our young activists have fled and left the country to find alternative ways of fighting for civil and political rights in the country. We are aware that Burma will not become a democracy within days, but with persistence the transformation of the ruling system is a possibility. The western nations were fighting for civil rights not so long ago, but the ruling system is still not perfect. However, a democratic nation could provide essential services like health, housing and community services to the public with a strong public services system in place like in the UK, Australia and USA. The ruling military elite has no capacity to provide these essential services to a population of over 50 million. The Western leaders’ call for democratic change comes from a genuinely good place, however Burma’s ruling elite have easily ignored it for over twenty years.

Our country has been wasting our human resources for over twenty years by forcing young people to flee the country for in search of work in Thailand. Thailand exploits every opportunity to use cheap labor from Burma. Even so, Burma’s migrant workers have been better off across the border than at home, with countries including Thailand and Malaysia providing a haven for some young people, even though they live with little access to local healthcare and education. Children who have been born either on neighboring borders or in Malaysia have missed basic education and community language classes, with significantly negative impacts on childhood development. Ignoring this plight is a serious breach of Human Rights standards concerning the welfare of children. We have seen countless photographs from Burma news websites that displaced children are at risk being denied child safety and early childhood development. It is unthinkable that the ruling military elites can turn a blind eye to the plight of these children for so many years. It is irresponsible of the head of State or the King under the rule of Burma’s culture to take no action to provide welfare for disadvantaged citizens. Our land is rich in resources and holds sufficient wetlands and water for cultivation of rice and corn but farmers are struggling to meet their basic needs. The ruling military junta is responsible for forcing children and families from their homes and lands, and for placing them in dangerous situations either in border areas or in other countries as illegal immigrants.

There is no logical thought that Burma can be ruled by the military elite and the ex-military men who it has selected as candidates for the next election. Safeguarding the role of the military representative to the National Parliament under the constitution is an assault on fundamental democratic principles. However, the ruling military junta shamelessly amended the new constitution with its desire to rule the nation as a quasi-military and civilian government. This creates potential further conflicts of interest among these candidates and other civilians on power sharing and exercising or executive power at the administrative level. This, once again creates a tension between ex-military candidates and civilian representatives at the National Parliament. Hence, the ruling junta can easily claim that the National Parliament does not hold the capacity to lead the nation and so, the Defense Force has no alternate option but to seize the State power for its sovereignty. This tactic was applied in 1962 and in 1988 when the country was in unresolved political crises between the ruling military backed elites and the non-Burmese ethnic minority leaders and democratic forces. The ruling system has been broken for half a century remains unfixed in the present day.

Politics in Burma are not about party politics but rather national politics. The Burmese elite ruled other non-Burmese ethnic people in the early 17th century, a time when they claimed to the British that Burma was one unified state by the time Independence was granted in 1948. The Mon Peoples’ last capital, Pegu, was invaded by Burma’s troops in 1757 followed by other invasions across other ethnic States. All citizens lived equally under the British rule of law for over one hundred years. However, Burma’s elites claimed a “One Burma” policy prior to granting independence with political manipulation of other non-Burmese ethnic people under the ‘Pa Land Agreement’ in 1947. This has been the root cause of the crisis in Burma for over sixty years. It is not a simple party’s politics between the ruling military elites and the National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi and her colleagues; those are ex-military servants. The western media wrongly reported and perceived that Burma’s crisis is just between the current ruling military elites and the democratic force led by Aung San Suu Kyi’s party. Indeed, Suu Kyi is the best candidate to unite Burma’s people from all sides of politics and she has more credibility than other leaders. However, the crisis did not start with her and she has no political capital to confront the ruling elites with the support of non-Burma’s ethnic leaders. Despite her attempts to break through and hold mature dialogue and roundtable political meetings with the ruling junta from time to time in the last three to four years, her humble requests have been dumped into Senior General Than Shwe’s trash bin.

It is time for groups from all sides of Burmese olitics, the ruling military junta, the democratic force led by Suu Kyi’s party, and Burma’s ethnic peoples’ leaders, to find a common ground in this crisis. An election is not a suitable option in the country while no one trusts each other, and no side of politics holds the will to find common ground. Politics is about people. It is about the nation’s welfare and people’s wellbeing. It is not about power for someone or some groups. The nation has been ruled by one group of the elite for too long and this perception has to be challenged and changed. This is a new battleground for democracy activists, and new politicians in the country and in exile. They value thier country, however they have lost thier common ground in politics.

Politics is about finding common ground in this century. Power is not simply about power, rather it is about people. It is time that we discuss the best options for running the country, that enhances our desires under the rules of law. Creating a new system that allows for each party and each leader’s participation in the National Convention is the key to any real “Road Map to Democracy” in the Burma. Participatory democracy is a new system that requires Burma’s leaders to walk and talk around the country. Extremism is dead in politics. Nationalism cannot find common ground to break thorough between ethnic peoples and Burma’s military elites. It is a new era and it has to come up with new a vision for Burma’s politics. We have seen that our leaders played many cards in Burma’s politics to gain power via shortcuts but they failed to deliver to the nation and the people.

We have the best opportunity to change the mindset in our own situation. The system has been broken for many years for many reasons. There is no time to blame the past system, but there is always time to discuss to the current system and what went wrong in the first place. We have the capacity and skills to fix it with the support of good friends from western nations and neighboring countries. The country needs all resources from all human capital both at home and in exile. The last option is just to find a common ground in new politics.

The ruling military elites have a choice to make prior to the election. It is the choice of finding a common ground that guarantees the people security and safety after the election regardless of the outcome of a popular vote. People will vote for the best candidate in each election based on the time and circumstance of politics and local environment. The ruling military elite has to communicate well and build trust between civilian politicians and leaders of the non-Burmese political party who have a vision of finding common ground in politics. There are some old and new politicians who are never willing to find common ground in politics; they hold extremism for individuals’ sake. We have to ignore those who have a lack of political vision in creating a new political system for Burma. In fact, Burma does not belong to one elite group or one ethnic group, it belongs to each individual who was born in the country. Our old and new political leaders have a common purpose that is to serve the best interests of the nation and people. This foundation can be found by stepping forward towards a better understanding of different political goals in modern Burma’s political landscape. The system is an ongoing evolutionary process and it has to be remade and remodeled again and again so that it may best serve its purpose. Neither a democracy nor a socialist system is perfect in modern politics, but they both hold a common purpose, to serve the nation and the people.

Burma is moving towards a democratic system that is ruled “by the people, for the people” in the new 21st Century. We are not alone in our struggle for change and for a set of new political beliefs and system. Most countries in Asia and the Pacific region have experienced this journey and have done so not without cost. Our new leaders and leaders from all racial backgrounds have a moral responsibility to save the country before it wholly collapses. Moral corruption is the most dangerous feature in politics. Our old leaders from 1940 until now have been a morally corrupt group of people, who held narrow views and have been capable of carrying out harsh acts of selfishness. Man can rule the country with a gun for a short time, but the gun will be his own downfall. Modern politics is beyond a gun and power. Sharing common purpose for the welfare of the people in the same situation at the same place is a new norm in politics. We will be dealing with hundreds of thousands of social and other economics problems under financial uncertainty in a free world market. However, each individual has a role to play in modern politics when the government cannot hide behind their lies, as free press and ever-expanding global media ensures they are held accountable. People know what is right and wrong for them and indeed for the community. The military elite or civilian politicians will not have the same luxuries as before. if they are committed to change national political system under a democratic system. Prime Minister and Ministers will be under the watchful eye of the media for 24 hours a day, seven days a week, and they have to answer all questions to the public. This is a test for Burma’s new political system in the coming years.

The ruling class of Burma has changed in the last half century. It has been under the hand of the military elite and so, the nation has been in poor condition in every way. It is time to create a new political system where each stakeholder works together towards a common ground in politics. Burma will be changed not as a result of the election, but as a result of building a mature trust amongst leaders and politicians. This is the step forward that is needed on the “Road Map to Democracy” and it is the necessary and noble task of both the military elite, and the civilian politicians in Burma.

15 February 2010, Canberra
Note: This articled is edited by Emily Dulton, Melbourne based Post Graduate Student.

New security checks at Shwedagon Pagoda symptomatic of SPDC’s mounting paranoia

Wed 10 Mar 2010, Mehm Oa
According to sources in Rangoon, a combined security force comprised of the Rangoon police and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) soldiers have maintained strict security and baggage checks at Rangoon’s famous Shwedagon Pagoda since the 27th, when the annual “Shwedagon Festival” was held.

The security forces have set up checkpoint stations at each of the 4 entrances to the pagoda; visitors to the pagoda informed IMNA that between 3 and 5 guards man each station and conduct rigorous searches of backpacks and large bags.

“They started this [ the checkpoints] due to the festival, not just the police but also the soldiers were included. They also had guns and wore their uniforms,” said a Rangoon resident who lives in Rangoon Division’s Pahan Township, near Shwedagon Pagoda.

Shwedegon Pagoda is a major point of religious pilgrimage in Burma, and many pilgrims and visitors arrive with large traveling bags and backpacks in tow. Sources informed IMNA that the ongoing, rigorous searching of luggage at each entry to the monument backlogs visitors attempting to enter the pagoda.

“They are still checking people every day at the pagoda, but now if they suspect people with bags, they open the bags and check everything. There are always many people at the Shwedagon Pagoda, they come from different places, all around Burma. Some of them carry big bags and backpacks, and some of them just have handbags” explained a Mon state native studying in Rangoon, who attended the Shwedagon festival on February 27th.

Many of the sources that IMNA spoke to felt that the restrictive security measures taken at Shwedagon Pagoda are merely harbingers of future SPDC attempts to control large gatherings of the Burmese population; many speculated that the Burmese government is striving to prevent to reoccurrence of a unified mass protest like September 2007’s “Saffron Revolution”, before the upcoming 2010 elections.

“I think they are worried that the people [in the crowds at the pagoda] will combine and demonstrate like the monks in 2007 demonstrated, and the people will protest the coming 2010 elections” the Pahan Township resident informed IMNA.

According to a 2010 election observer from Mudon Township, such security measures will only multiply and heighten in intensity in the months preceding the upcoming elections; he predicted that “crowd control” will become a major feature of SPDC pre-elections checks on the Burmese population.

“They are worried the monks will demonstrate again, because in 2007 the monks demonstrated, the monks are a big group. The people and the monks don’t like that the government is holding the 2010 elections, nor did they like the 2008 constitution, and they [the authorities] know that. Tight security will increase, not just at Shwedagon Pagoda, but at every place with big crowds of people,” he explained.

Visitors in Rangoon encounter increased security and travel restrictions

Tue 09 Mar 2010, IMNA
Travelers arriving in Rangoon are encountering a series of heightened security measures and travel restrictions by Burmese military government administration.

Beginning in March, travelers have reported authorities conducting increased security checks. In particular government police have been checking monks as they arrive at the Central train station [Butaryoun] in Rangoon.

A monk who visited Rangoon from Mon State explained, “When the train arrived, the monks needed to give their information [like where they come from, where they will we go, how long they will we stay in Rangoon] to authorities that are waiting at a table with about 3 to 4 [police] officers…”

While the authorities are reported to just ask questions and then allow the monks to go, they recorded the basic information of all monks who are visiting Rangoon.

“We’ve never seen see like that before. They started it maybe this month because before when I came to Rangoon nobody checked like that,” the monk added.

Non-monastic visitors have also reported that once in Rangoon their travel plans and whereabouts are scrutinized. Quarter headmen must check visitors in their homes, the monasteries where monks stay, and also house owners are required to send in a list of guests who visit.

“When guests arrive, we need to send a guest list to the quarter headmen – if we don’t report to them, they will punish us if they see the guests in the house or monastery, when they check,” said a resident who lives in Pahan quarter.

“The people and the monks who travel by the car, the authorities don’t check like they do at train stations,” said a traveler. “They just check [cars] along the way – it depends on the stops and the route - sometime they check 3 to 4 times, sometimes they just check one time.” said a traveler.

Rangoon is frequented by a variety of travelers, for example those who come for medical treatment at the hospital, some come to visit as tourists, some who arrive to try to obtain a visa to leave for other countries, and some who work as traders seeking or selling goods.

Families of deported migrant workers fear grim job prospects

Tue 09 Mar 2010, Kon Chan
Families of migrant workers employed in Thailand report to IMNA that they fear that Thailand’s commencement of the proposed mass deportations of unregistered migrant workers back to Burma, set to begin at the close of February 2010, will result in widespread unemployment and financial hardship within the country.

“If they will be deported back [ to Burma], it will take time to find work at the kinds of jobs that they are used to working at [in Thailand]. Here, they will not get the same amount of money that they got there [ in Thailand] even if they work hard like they do in Thailand”, a mother of an unregistered migrant worker explained to IMNA’s reporter.

This woman went on to explain that many Burmese migrant workers lack the agricultural skills needed to farm with their family members at home; instead, many possess technical skills that are virtually useless, as such jobs are scarce in Burma. Many migrant workers sent back to Burma will be forced to pay migrant brokers a second time, and seek work in countries like Malaysia, Singapore, and Taiwan, where these skills are more profitable.

She added that many families, including her own, are in debt to migrant worker brokers, who typically charge at least 10,000 baht to transport a single individual into Thailand. Without the income earned from a job outside of Burma, many families have little chance of freeing themselves from such debts. Ironically, many migrant workers in Mudon and Thanphyuzayart Townships refused to register for the temporary passports precisely because they wanted to shield their families from financial difficulties; according to this woman, reports surfaced in these two township of Burmese authorities using the personal information provided in temporary passport applications, filled out by workers in Thailand, to extort money from family members back in Burma.

A 40 year-old migrant broker from Chaungzone Township explained to IMNA, “Most of the migrant workers who refused to apply for temporary passports are the new migrant workers who have only recently traveled to Thailand. Many of these workers could not pay the 10,000 baht [for the temporary passports] because they had not even made the capital to pay back their migrant brokers.”

This man also explained that job scarcity inside Burma is complicated by the fact that many of the agricultural jobs that are available are seasonal, meaning that many recently deported migrant workers will be forced to wait out Burma’s dry summer season to find work, as farmers in many areas of the country do not cultivate summer season crops.

“Families who regularly received money every month from Thailand will face economic crises, and many accompanying problems [hunger, debt] if they do not get money every month,” he added

Mon youths complain of heightened surveillance following monk’s arrest

Mon 08 Mar 2010, Nai Marn
Mon State youth are complaining of being increasingly targeted for surveillance efforts by Burmese government authorities since the arrest of Ashin Uk Kong Sah, a Mon monk, in Thanphyuzayart this January. A youth leader in Moulmein informed IMNA that youths are particularly scrutinized when wearing traditional Mon dress.

“Mon Youth” refers to the unofficial Mon State-wide organization of the state’s youth population. The group is largely made up of university students and recent graduates, and leaders and representatives are selected from individual villages and township quarters. These in turn congregate at their own discretion. The Moulmein youth leader that IMNA spoke with explained that the increased surveillance was interfering with youth-led activities and meetings.

“The special police were following us while we dressed in the Mon national uniform, when we made donations to the monks at the monastery on March 6th [in Moulmein] . The youths can’t hold activities because of being shadowed by the special police after Ashin Uk Kong Sah was arrested”, he explained.

Ashin Uk Kong Sah is a Mon monk, and frequent participant in Mon youth activities, who was arrested in Thanphyuzayart in January 2010 in connection to the “No 2010” campaign, which involved the aforementioned phrase being graffitied onto buildings and roads throughout Mon State on New Years Eve.

Cultural and religious festivals – monk ordination festivals, pagoda festivals, a most recently the festival on March 2nd, when ornamental umbrellas are placed on pagodas - are held in Mon State on a monthly basis. Most of these ceremonies and events necessitate the wearing of traditional Mon dress. The Mon youths from Moulmein that IMNA spoke to complained of feeling torn between tradition and security, and being targeted for police scrutiny merely for wearing traditional garb at appropriate times.

A second youth leader, who asked that his village in Mudon Township not be specified, reiterated the sentiment of feeling trapped between cultural norms and safely; the incident he related occurred during the recently celebrated Mon traditional festival of welcoming for putting the ornamental umbrella on the pagoda.

“On March 2nd, when about 50 villagers joined the ceremony, where we welcomed putting the ornamental umbrella on the pagoda in our village by wearing Mon traditional dress, and holding religious flags, the special police came and inspected us indirectly by talking to the people around us. And then the people around us told them that we were just welcoming the ornamental umbrella on the pagoda, and they went away”, he described.

Mon youths complain of heightened surveillance following monk’s arrest

Mon 08 Mar 2010, Nai Marn
Mon State youth are complaining of being increasingly targeted for surveillance efforts by Burmese government authorities since the arrest of Ashin Uk Kong Sah, a Mon monk, in Thanphyuzayart this January. A youth leader in Moulmein informed IMNA that youths are particularly scrutinized when wearing traditional Mon dress.

“Mon Youth” refers to the unofficial Mon State-wide organization of the state’s youth population. The group is largely made up of university students and recent graduates, and leaders and representatives are selected from individual villages and township quarters. These in turn congregate at their own discretion. The Moulmein youth leader that IMNA spoke with explained that the increased surveillance was interfering with youth-led activities and meetings.

“The special police were following us while we dressed in the Mon national uniform, when we made donations to the monks at the monastery on March 6th [in Moulmein] . The youths can’t hold activities because of being shadowed by the special police after Ashin Uk Kong Sah was arrested”, he explained.

Ashin Uk Kong Sah is a Mon monk, and frequent participant in Mon youth activities, who was arrested in Thanphyuzayart in January 2010 in connection to the “No 2010” campaign, which involved the aforementioned phrase being graffitied onto buildings and roads throughout Mon State on New Years Eve.

Cultural and religious festivals – monk ordination festivals, pagoda festivals, a most recently the festival on March 2nd, when ornamental umbrellas are placed on pagodas - are held in Mon State on a monthly basis. Most of these ceremonies and events necessitate the wearing of traditional Mon dress. The Mon youths from Moulmein that IMNA spoke to complained of feeling torn between tradition and security, and being targeted for police scrutiny merely for wearing traditional garb at appropriate times.

A second youth leader, who asked that his village in Mudon Township not be specified, reiterated the sentiment of feeling trapped between cultural norms and safely; the incident he related occurred during the recently celebrated Mon traditional festival of welcoming for putting the ornamental umbrella on the pagoda.

“On March 2nd, when about 50 villagers joined the ceremony, where we welcomed putting the ornamental umbrella on the pagoda in our village by wearing Mon traditional dress, and holding religious flags, the special police came and inspected us indirectly by talking to the people around us. And then the people around us told them that we were just welcoming the ornamental umbrella on the pagoda, and they went away”, he described.

Mon Business community launches new company

Mon 08 Mar 2010, Rehmonnya
A new Mon business corporation, known as the “Talamon Company”, has officially formed, aiming to meet key tenets, besides turning a profit, that include a commitment to non-political business and philanthropic community development.

The Talamon Company formed in December 2009 as a corporation to benefit shareholders, specifically businessmen and traders who were able to purchase shares only by invitation. According to a friend of a shareholder, the Talamon Company takes no financial support from cease-fire groups or other political bodies.

The company specifies that for those who are invited to join, a potential shareholder must buy a minimum of 1 share to participate and possess a portion of the company. The cost for one share is 500,000 kyat and already 400 shares have been sold, said a source who is connected to the new company, but preferred to remain anonymous.

"Talamon Company was formed from the ideas of Mon businessmen who wanted to benefit together as a sort of emporium… A person who buys up more than 10 shares, they will be given a place as a director of the group,” he added. “If a person takes up less than 10 shares, they will be specified as a normal businessman. The company will accept up to 50 people for director positions, [but at a recent] meeting they [share holders] appointed 15 people to be directors to spread business and work for them [the company]."

On December 20th the Talamon Company hosted an invitation only celebration in Rangoon's Trader Hotel, to officially launch the company’s formation. The event, which was attended by Nai Aung Toe, Nai Chit Phay, who was the master of ceremonies, and 50 shareholders, was held to choose the companies senior leadership. The 50 attending members voted into office 15 directors of the company, based on their qualifications and share ownership. Nai Htun Ong, who was elected Chairman of Talamon Company told IMNA that, "This Company is a first for only Mon businessmen to invest in Burma."

A shareholder who preferred to remain anonymous said that the Talamon Company currently contains several businesses, including an express transportation service of goods and passengers, a company that sells building supplies and a resale machine parts store. He added that Talamon company is working to expand its services to also include the a machine parts import company.

According to an official letter handed out to share holders, the company, while it doesn’t yet have an office, is opened temporarily at No. 161 Shwe goon Taing streen, Pahan Township, Rangoon.

While Talamon leadership refuses to comment on the total number of company shareholders, the company has already received a total investment of 200 million kyat in share sales.

While the company is primarily formed to financially benefit its Mon investors, the Talamon Company will, according to a source close to shareholders, provide philanthropic support to members of the Mon community. As profits improve, they will work to fill 'social duties and obligations' and provide financial support for education for Mon people that have face economic hardship.

The director of the Rehmonnya Labor Union (RLU), Nai Kao Tala Rot, met with shareholders of Talamon, and said of Talamon’s policies, “This is a very philanthropic company [Talamon] to be coming out to assist Mon people; but [some of us] are worried because in the past we have seen [other Mon companies] like Hongsawatoi company fell apart because of poor management and administration.”

During the formation of the 1995 ceasefire with the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the largest Mon political group, the party was offered commercial incentives that lead to the formation of Rehmonnya International Company. The company was comprised of NMSP members, businessmen with NMSP connections and members of the Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF). The Hongsawatoi Company was also formed in 1995 under NMSP direction. Ultimately both companies’ economic prospects soured after mismanagement and poor business decisions undercut the companies’ opportunities.

Nai Kao Tala Rot expressed hope that with the formation of Talamon Company poor Mon families, or those seeking scholarships for school, would benefit. He explained the new company chairman, Nai Htun Ong, has a strong track record of munificence, making donations to monks during their exams in Moulmein.